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                <text>13th-Century Flood Marker</text>
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                <text>Francesca Arcidiacono (2016)</text>
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                <text>Before the embankment project of the late 19th century, flooding of the Tiber river was a fact of Roman life. Built on a natural floodplain, Rome would experienced catastrophic floods at least twice per century. Waters would engulf houses and buildings, and flood fields and farms, leaving destruction, famine, and disease as they receded. While records of the floods of late antiquity survive mainly in the Liber Pontificalis, stone plaques indicating the heights and dates of floods came into use in the medieval period and exist throughout the city. The earliest surviving plaque can be found under an archway on the Via dell'Arco dei Banchi, across the river from the Castel Sant'Angelo. A marble slab is embedded in the side of the now heavily-restored archway and records the height of a flood that occurred on November 6, 1277. While the script is stylized, one can clearly make out the words Huc Tiber accessit ("To here the Tiber came") right above the line indicating the flood level.</text>
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                <text>A marble slab is embedded in the side of the now heavily-restored archway and records the height of a flood that occurred on November 6, 1277. While the script is stylized, one can clearly make out the words Huc Tiber accessit ("To here the Tiber came") right above the line indicating the flood level.</text>
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                <text>The Tiber</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;Aldrete, Gregory S.. &lt;em&gt;Floods of the Tiber in Ancient Rome&lt;/em&gt;. Baltimore, MD, USA: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006. Accessed May 30, 2015. ProQuest ebrary.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Krautheimer, Richard. &lt;em&gt;Rome : Profile of a City, 312-1308.&lt;/em&gt; Princeton, N.J. , Chichester: Princeton University Press, 2000. pp. 64, 237&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Squatriti, Paolo. "The Floods of 589 and Climate Change at the Beginning of the Middle Ages: An Italian Microhistory." &lt;em&gt;Speculum&lt;/em&gt; 85, no. 04 (2010): 799-826.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>November 6, 1277</text>
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                <text>1200s</text>
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                <text>Via del Banco di Santo Spirito, 47, 00186 Roma RM, Italy</text>
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        <name>The Tiber</name>
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              <text>ca. 1190</text>
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              <text>Rome </text>
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              <text>ca. 1273</text>
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                <text>A Female Leader of Franciscanism in Rome?</text>
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                <text>A devoted early follower of St. Francis of Assisi, Jacoba of Settesoli (Italian Giacoma di Settesoli) was affectionately known to the Franciscan friars as Brother Jacopa (Fra Jacopa). She was an integral figure in the creation of a Roman Franciscan community shortly after Francis' death. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Probably born in Trastevere around 1190, she married into the powerful Frangipani family. The Frangipani were heavily involved, both financially and militarily, in the papal disputes of the 11th and 12th centuries, giving them a tremendous amount of religious and political power and control of large landholdings before and during Fra Jacopa’s lifetime. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Brother Jacopa met Francis in 1209 during one of his visits to Rome. Probably after hearing him preach, she helped Francis both receive lodging near the Ripa Grande at the hospice of St. Biago, where the current church of San Francesco a Ripa stands, and gain a meeting with Pope Innocent III. She also invited his followers to use her home as a meeting place.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Somewhere between 1212 and 1217, Fra Jacopa was widowed, leaving her with large property holdings from her husband’s family. Her new status as a widow, some historians argue, allowed her to maintain a closer relationship with Francis without scandal. Additionally, scholar Jacques Darlun argues that her nickname “Brother Jacopa” shows an effort masculinize her, allowing for the relationship to be further normalized. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Perhaps the most famous legend involving Brother Jacopa occurred just moments before Francis’ death in 1226. According to this story, Francis told his close follower Leo to let Jacopa know of Francis's coming death. Just as Leo began to write to her, she burst through the door, arriving from Rome because the voice of God told her to come to her friend. She then bathed the stigmata on his body with her tears as he died. Darleen Pryds notes that this account of Francis’ death was disputed by many Franciscan historians because of the dangerous implications of a placing a laywomen at one of the most important scenes in the saint’s life. During the 13th century when non-cloistered lifestyles for monks, friars, and nuns rapidly gained popularity, the Church was very concerned with the intermingling of men and women, and a story about a close male-female relationship could be used as justification for interaction between the two sexes. Brother Jacopa has been compared to Mary Magdalene, who also wept besides Jesus’ deathbed, allowing for dangerous debates similar to those about the sexuality of Mary and Jesus’ relationship. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;While there is disagreement of the validity and details of this story, the importance of its presence in Francis’ early hagiography suggests that this Roman noblewoman played a very important part in the early days of Franciscanism. Moved by Francis’ death, Jacopa returned home, gave up the majority of her property and helped found the hospital and convent for friars at San Francesco a Ripa. Fra Jacopa lived out the remainder of her life in Assisi, choosing to be impoverished until her death. Today, her body lies in the crypt at San Francesco in Assisi, a church she was also believed to have helped fund. In San Francesco a Ripa, her portrait faces that of Francis.</text>
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            <name>Creator</name>
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                <text>Lizzy Ehren (2018)</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;Brentano, Robert. “The Spiritual Family.” in &lt;em&gt;Rome Before Avignon, a Social History of Thirteenth Century Rome.&lt;/em&gt; 211 – 260. Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press, 1991.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Dalarun, Jacques. &lt;em&gt;Francis of Assisi and the Feminine&lt;/em&gt;. New York: Franciscan Institute Publications, 2006.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Krautheimer, Richard. &lt;em&gt;Rome: Profile of a City, 312-1308.&lt;/em&gt; Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;O’Gorman, Edmund. &lt;em&gt;St. Francis for Today&lt;/em&gt;. Trowbridge: Redwood Books, 1996.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Pyrds, Darleen. “Lady Jacopa and Francis: Mysticism and the Management of Francis of Assisi’s Deathbed Story.” In &lt;em&gt;Dying, Death and Mysticism: The Ecstasy of the End&lt;/em&gt;, edited by Thomas Cattoi and Christopher M. Moreman, 15-30. New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2015.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Thomas of Celano. &lt;em&gt;St. Francis of Assisi: First and Second Life of St. Francis with Selections from the Treatise on the Miracles of Blessed Francis&lt;/em&gt;. Translated by Placid Hermann. Chicago: Franciscan Herald Press, 1988.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Weinstein, Donald &amp;amp; Bell, Rudolph. &lt;em&gt;Saints and Society: The Two World of Western Christendom, 1000-1700&lt;/em&gt;. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>1200s</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="3192">
                <text>A devoted early follower of St. Francis of Assisi, Jacoba of Settesoli (Italian Giacoma di Settesoli) was affectionately known to the Franciscan friars as Brother Jacopa (Fra Jacopa). She was an integral figure in the creation of a Roman Franciscan community shortly after Francis' death.</text>
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                <text>Piazza di S. Francesco d'Assisi, 88, 00153 Roma RM, Italy</text>
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                <text>A French Gothic Ciborium in an Italian Medieval City</text>
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            <name>Creator</name>
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                <text>Jenny Nguyen (2017)</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;Upon entering Santa Cecilia in Trastevere, one’s eyes are attracted to the large carved stone structure that appears to compliment the apse’s mosaic. This structure is a ciborium and is one of the well-known creations of the sculptor Arnolfo di Cambio (1240-1310).&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Prior to the construction of Arnolfo’s ciborium there was a canopy standing in its place. According to the Liber Pontificalis, this canopy was a gift from Paschal in his reconstruction of the church in 821 and was made from 600 pounds and 8 ounces of silver.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Completed in 1293, the present-day ciborium is modeled after the French gothic style, as seen in the many spires and the rose window-like structure. This early style was at its peak popularity in France about three decades before Arnolfo’s ciborium and it was out of date by the end of the 14th century in France.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Visitors before the late 13th century would have seen a shorter canopy compared to the present-day ciborium. From the left corner nearest to the nave and counter-clockwise, each corner has a statue that represents Santa Cecilia, San Valerian, San Tibertius, and Pope Urban (Bo 2008, 4-7). According to legend, San Valerian and San Tibertius are her husband and brother-in-law, respectively. The spandrels, areas between the arch and the horizontal enclosure, have reliefs of the Four Evangelists, two unknown prophets, and visual depictions of the Parable of the Wide and Foolish Virgins.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Upon entering Santa Cecilia in Trastevere, one’s eyes are attracted to the large carved stone structure that appears to compliment the apse’s mosaic. This structure is a ciborium and is one of the well-known creations of the sculptor Arnolfo di Cambio (1240-1310).</text>
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                <text>Neighborhoods</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;Bo, Ragnhild Marthine. 2008. “The Iconography of the Gothic Ciborium in Rome, c. 1285-1370.” &lt;em&gt;Medievalista&lt;/em&gt; 4: 1-14.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Davis, Raymond. &lt;em&gt;The Lives of the Ninth-century Popes (Liber Pontificalis): The Ancient Biographies of Ten Popes from A.D. 817-891&lt;/em&gt;. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1995.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;de Blaauw, Sible. 2009. “High Altar Ciboria and Roman Liturgical Traditions.” In: &lt;em&gt;Arnolfo’s Moment. Acts of an International Conference Florence, Villa I Tatti, May 26-27, 2006.&lt;/em&gt; David Friedman, Julian Gardner, Margaret Haines, eds. Florence (Leo S. Olschki).&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Krautheimer, Richard. &lt;em&gt;Rome: Profile of a City, 312-1308&lt;/em&gt;. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1980. 214. &amp;amp;nbsp,&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Piazza di Santa Cecilia, 22, 00153 Roma RM</text>
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                <text>1200s</text>
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        <name>Ciborium</name>
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        <name>Dublin Core</name>
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                <text>A Hole in the Walls: The Hospital-cum-Monastery at San Tommaso in Formis</text>
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            <name>Creator</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="1970">
                <text>J.M. Hanley (2016)</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;Perched about halfway up the Caelian Hill is San Tomasso in Formis, built into the side of the Aqua Claudia. The history of the complex largely begins with John of Matha, a Provencal priest. Shortly after his ordination, he was inspired to found a religious order dedicated to ransoming captives from the Crusades. Innocent III confirmed John’s request. The new order – the Trinitarians – was the first of the great religious orders that would be founded over the course of the 13th and 14th centuries.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;The remains of a monastic church were refurbished and a hospital was constructed adjacent to it. The adjacent Arch of Dolabella – once part of Rome’s Servian walls – was also pressed into service. John, after establishing the order, had become drawn to a life of monastic isolation. He retreated to a room over the arch until his death in 1213.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;In many ways, the establishments of such “caritative” orders functioned more like franchises than outposts. Trinitarian branches, for instance, were responsible for funding themselves, which made them less inclined to obey central authority. San Tommasso was less a headquarters and more a working hospital. Nevertheless, the church’s location – immediately next to the major cardinal churches of San Stefano Rotondo and Santa Maria in Domnica, and a short walk from papal residence at the Lateran – seems unlikely to be a coincidence. Though the reason remains unclear, international missionary work was a top priority of Innocent’s. As pope, he certainly had some authority over the order. He would later influence staff appointments within the order itself. It is possible that the pope himself picked the location to easily observe and influence the order’s actions.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Finally, John’s decision to retreat to isolation testifies to a common tension in the early thirteenth century. He began a trend of activist religious orders, yet opted personally to live like a religious hermit of an older tradition. San Tommasso offered a unique space for this: Trinitarians entered the outside world in search of the sick, but they brought them back behind walls to care for them.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>Perched about halfway up the Caelian Hill is San Tomasso in Formis, built into the side of the Aqua Claudia. The history of the complex largely begins with John of Matha, a Provencal priest. Shortly after his ordination, he was inspired to found a religious order dedicated to ransoming captives from the Crusades. Innocent III confirmed John’s request. The new order – the Trinitarians – was the first of the great religious orders that would be founded over the course of the 13th and 14th centuries.</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;Brentano, Robert. &lt;em&gt;Rome Before Avignon&lt;/em&gt;. Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1990.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Brodman, James W. “Community, Identity, and the Redemption of Captives: Comparative Perspectives Across the Mediterranean.” A&lt;em&gt;nuario di Estudios Medievales&lt;/em&gt; 36 (June 2006), 241-252.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Brodman, James W. “Crisis in Charity: Centrifugal and Centripetal Influences upon Medieval Caritative Orders.” &lt;em&gt;Imago Temporis&lt;/em&gt;. Medium Aevum 5 (2011): 163-173&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>The beautiful late medieval house at this site retains features that demonstrate the fundamental style of medieval architecture, although later construction has decreased their prominence. The dual arches, filled by a later added material, are representative of the surface view of medieval houses. These would have provided the main entrance to the house from the road, now replaced by two wooden doors inset in the arches. The use of a column as a supporting element is also a feature of this period. The portico created by these arches, when coupled with similar porticoes at other houses along the street, might have created a continuous portico allowing cover for passersby. The multiple stories of this house are accurate to its medieval incarnation: the ground floor of medieval houses might have been used as a shop or workspace, with upper floors reserved for residential purposes. Oftentimes, skinny facades meant that buildings were more developed in depth. Altogether, the row house template seen in the house would have been a common staple of the abitato of medieval Rome.&#13;
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                <text>The beautiful late medieval house at this site retains features that demonstrate the fundamental style of medieval architecture, although later construction has decreased their prominence.</text>
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                <text>&lt;span&gt;Krautheimer, Richard. Rome : &lt;em&gt;Profile of a City, 312-1308&lt;/em&gt;. Princeton, N.J. , Chichester: Princeton University Press, 2000.&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                    <text>The distinction between the green-belt of the disabitato and the occupied portions.</text>
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                    <text>View of Roma, ca. 1538, tempera on canvas, 66.5x91.75in (118x233cm). Palazzo Ducale, Mantua (artwork in the public domain; photograph provided by Scala/Miniestero per i Beni e le Attivita culturali/Art Resource, NY)</text>
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                    <text>Illustrated by Giovanni Battista Piranesi in 1772. A view of the Roman Forum during the Middle Ages.</text>
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                    <text>Giovanni Battista Piranesi, “Veduta di Campo Vaccino,” Views of Rome, plate 82, 18 x 27.75 inches, etching, 1772, https://smarthistory.org/forum-romanum-the-roman-forum/.</text>
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                <text>Libby Paulson (2021)</text>
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                <text>Agriculture and Reuse in the Roman Forum</text>
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                <text>Splitting Rome into the disabitato and the abitato makes it seem as if there is a heavy divide between the two parts of the city (inhabited versus uninhabited). The Mantua canvas, for example, clearly shows the distinction between the green-belt of the disabitato and the occupied portions. The landscape of the disabitato here is portrayed as a green wasteland, solely littered with ancient ruins and bits of antiquity; it barely shows anything else.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;However, despite what is portrayed in primary sources from the Middle Ages and modern academic articles, the disabitato was not entirely abandoned. The land surrounding the abitato was filled with lots of open, available space used as agricultural fields and farmsteads, vineyards, and uncultivated pastures. As shown in the Mantua canvas, it was also littered with ancient monuments and ruins – some of which were reused and altered to fit the needs of people in the Middle Ages instead of being forgotten entirely.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;One of the best sites to truly see this change in function is the Roman Forum, which was included in the disabitato. While the image below was done in 1772, it still shows an accurate depiction of what the forum would have looked like during the Middle Ages. Small houses surround the cultivated pasture in the middle, where vegetables, spices, and fruit trees are being grown. Furthermore, the amount of livestock grazing in the area rebranded the forum as the “Campo Vaccino,” or cow field. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Antique columns and structures don’t have the same meaning as they did for the Romans; in fact, many are spoliated into new buildings and structures that have a new use for these farmers. The most important theme of the disabitato in regards to the Roman Forum is reuse for functionality. During antiquity, the Romans used the space for sacro-civic functions. The purpose changed to an agricultural one as the centuries did, but that doesn’t diminish the forum’s importance. This transformation clearly illustrates the relationship between the people’s needs, functionality, and urban change over time.</text>
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                <text>Becker, Jeffrey A.. “Forum Romanum (The Roman Forum).” khanacademy.org. https://www.khanacademy.org/humanities/ancient-art-civilizations/roman/beginners-guide-rome/a/forum-romanum-the-roman-forum.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Cowdrey, H. E. J.. &lt;em&gt;Pope Gregory VII, 1073-1085&lt;/em&gt;. Clarendon Press, 1998: 1-4.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Gadeyne, Jan. &lt;em&gt;Perspectives on Public Space in Rome, from Antiquity to the Present Day&lt;/em&gt;. Routledge, 2016.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Krautheimer, Richard. &lt;em&gt;Rome: Profile of a City, 312-1308.&lt;/em&gt; Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Lucentini, Mario. &lt;em&gt;The Rome Guide: Step by Step through History’s Greatest City&lt;/em&gt;. Interlink Publishing (2012).&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Maier, Jessica. "Francesco Rosselli's Lost View of Rome: An Urban Icon and Its Progeny." &lt;em&gt;The Art Bulletin&lt;/em&gt; 94, no. 3, (2012): 37-43.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Sanzio, Raffaello. &lt;em&gt;The Cambridge Companion to Raphael&lt;/em&gt;. Cambridge University Press (2005): 59-60.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Waldheim, Charles. &lt;em&gt;Landscape as Urbanism: A General Theory.&lt;/em&gt; Princeton University Press, 2016: 98.</text>
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                <text>Via della Salara Vecchia, 5/6, 00186 Roma RM</text>
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              <text>1313</text>
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                <text>An Introduction to Cola’s Rome</text>
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                <text>When the Papacy moved to Avignon in 1309, a power vacuum was created in Rome. Without the authority of the papacy, many powerful baronial families were left to war with each other over the control of territory within the city. In the midst of this state, the charismatic Cola di Rienzo created a populist regime that seized power in Rome, promising to bring justice and peace to the city. Cola desired to rebuild the ancient imperial city and place it back on the world stage as an important player. He painted a picture of Rome in disarray, a Rome in need of recreation; a recreation he was ready to undertake. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Although the historical realities of the time may not be as violent and chaotic as Cola claimed, this collection of entries hopes to help the reader visualize the Rome of Cola, weaving narratives of his life and society into the present physical spaces of Rome. We aspire to guide the reader through Cola’s life chronologically using his biography as a narrative tool: from his rise to power to his gruesome demise. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The biography, &lt;em&gt;The Life of Cola di Rienzo&lt;/em&gt;, (recently discovered to have been authored by Bartolomeo di lacovo Valmontone) is a complex historical source that can illuminate life in 14th-century Rome, if used carefully. Because the work was written by a contemporary of Cola’s, the narrative offers a primary source critical to our understanding of Cola’s Rome from a point of view close to the action. This tour is meant to take you to several different physical locations important in Cola’s Life. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;If you decide to undertake the entire tour as we suggest, you will travel from Sant’Angelo in Pescheria to the Capitoline Hill with a stop to check out Lex Vespasiana in the Capitoline Museum before eventually ending at the church of Santa Maria in Aracoeli. The tour is meant to take an hour or two in its entirety but also function independently at each of the sites, so if you are only making one stop, make sure to check out the entry for the corresponding place. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Before you go off on your journey to start exploring Cola’s Rome, here is some personal backstory on Cola, as told in &lt;em&gt;The Life of Cola di Rienzo&lt;/em&gt;, to help you better understand him as a person: "Cola de Rienzi was of low birth: his father was an innkeeper named Rienzi; his mother, named Matalena, earned her living by washing clothes and carrying water.... From his youth he was nourished on the milk of eloquence: a good grammarian, an excellent speaker, and a good scholar. Lord, what a fast reader he was! He was well acquainted with Livy, Seneca, Cicero, and Valerius Maximus; he loved to describe the great deeds of Julius Caesar. Every day he would gaze at the marble engravings which lie about in Rome. He alone knew how to read the ancient inscriptions. He translated all the ancient writings; he interpreted those marble shapes perfectly. Lord! How often he would say, 'Where are those good Romans? Where is their high justice? If only I could line in such times!'” (&lt;em&gt;The Life of Cola di Rienzo&lt;/em&gt; I.1 pg.1)</text>
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                <text>Jonathan Dahlsten (2019)</text>
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                <text>Keyvanian, Carla. &lt;em&gt;Hospitals and urbanism in Rome, 1200-1500&lt;/em&gt;. Leiden: Brill, 2016.</text>
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                <text>Wright, John, trans. &lt;em&gt;The Life of Cola di Rienzo&lt;/em&gt;. Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1975.</text>
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                <text>Piazza delle Cinque Scole, 3, 00186 Roma RM</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;The historian Kate Lowe explains that the convent at San Cosimato has a unique history of artistic patronage during the 15th and 16th centuries. During this period, the sisters at the convent seemed to behave less like active buyers and commissioners of works of art, but more like willing receivers, happy to take whatever was offered to their community. Franciscan and papal resources would lead to the support of the church through diverse works of art, leading to a heterogeneous collection of works. At least two or three notable works at San Cosimato were not created for the convent, but ultimately found a resting place there by chance or happenstance.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;One example is the most prominently displayed work at San Cosimato: a late 13th-century panel called Madonna and Child. This depiction of the Virgin Hodegetria gesturing toward Christ was thought to be a miraculous work, painted either by Saint Luke or an angel. The Madonna and Child first hung in the basilica of St. Peter in the Vatican City, where it was adorned with gold and precious stones. A manuscript account from the 16th century tells that during the time of a pope called Leo, thieves stole the panel, pilfered the gold and stones, tied the panel to a large rock, and tossed it into the Tiber River. Legend tells that the panel miraculously refused to sink, and that the Virgin appeared to Pope Leo in a dream, providing him instructions to find the missing panel. After the pope found it under the Ponte Senatorio (also known as the Ponte Rotto), it was housed in two different chapels before ultimately being placed in San Cosimato, where it is displayed on the center of the apse today.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;In discussing artistic patronage at the convent, Lowe details six artefacts: two panel paintings, two parts of frescoes/secco works, a tomb slab, and a marble sculpted monument, describing how the stories of their paths to the convent are just as diverse as the mediums. A lack of details about commissions makes it difficult to securely assess the nature of patrons. However, it is clear that proof of female patronage only exists in one instance, and no evidence exists for the commissioners being nuns or their families -- this provides a contrast to comparable convents in Venice and Florence, for instance. It is possible that the Sack of Rome led to artistic losses that might refute these claims, but the documented works of art prove that external patrons found the nuns of San Cosimato to be deserving recipients of works of art. These nuns accepted the wide variety of works offered to them, regardless of the original reason for the creation of each piece, or whether or not the piece was suitable. It was only at the end of the sixteenth century that a vast change began to occur, with the nuns accruing sufficient financial means to commission works of art for themselves.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                <text>&lt;p&gt;Brentano, Robert. “The Spiritual Family.” in &lt;em&gt;Rome Before Avignon, a Social History of Thirteenth Century Rome&lt;/em&gt;. 211 – 260. Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press, 1991.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Dalarun, Jacques. &lt;em&gt;Francis of Assisi and the Feminine&lt;/em&gt;. New York: Franciscan Institute Publications, 2006.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Krautheimer, Richard. &lt;em&gt;Rome: Profile of a City, 312-1308.&lt;/em&gt; Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Lowe, Kate. &lt;em&gt;Artistic Patronage at the Clarissan Convent of San Cosimato in Trastevere, 1400-1600&lt;/em&gt;. 273 – 297. Rome: Papers of the British School at Rome, Vol. 69, 2001.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Mondadori, Francesco. “San Francesco a Ripa.” in Trastevere, &lt;em&gt;Guida ai Luoghi Dove Iniziò il Cristianesimo a Roma.&lt;/em&gt; 57 – 68. Rome: Sant’Egidio, 2015.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;O’Gorman, Edmund. &lt;em&gt;St. Francis for Today.&lt;/em&gt; Trowbridge: Redwood Books, 1996.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Pyrds, Darleen. “Lady Jacopa and Francis: Mysticism and the Management of Francis of Assisi’s Deathbed Story.” In &lt;em&gt;Dying, Death and Mysticism: The Ecstasy of the End&lt;/em&gt;, edited by Thomas Cattoi and Christopher M. Moreman, 15-30. New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2015.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Robbins, Deborah King. “A Case Study of Medieval Urban Process: Rome’s Trastevere (1250-1450).” Ph.D.diss. University of California, Berkeley, 1989.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;San Francesco a Ripa Grande: Shrine, Convent and Parish. “Saint Francis and Rome,” “The Monastery of San Francesco a Ripa,” “Room of St. Francis,” and “Friar Jacopa.” Accessed May 22nd, 2017. http://en.sanfrancescoaripa.com.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Thomas of Celano. &lt;em&gt;St. Francis of Assisi: First and Second Life of St. Francis with Selections from the Treatise on the Miracles of Blessed Francis&lt;/em&gt;. Translated by Placid Hermann. Chicago: Franciscan Herald Press, 1988.&lt;/p&gt;
&lt;p&gt;Weinstein, Donald &amp;amp; Bell, Rudolph. &lt;em&gt;Saints and Society: The Two World of Western Christendom, 1000-1700&lt;/em&gt;. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010.&lt;/p&gt;</text>
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                    <text>The Funerary Chapel</text>
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                    <text>The Portico of the Holy Angel</text>
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                    <text>Holy Angel was the main infirmary of the confraternity. This is the portico facing the street S. Stefano Rotondo. </text>
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                <text>Giovanni Colonna in 1216 raised a charitable establishment, “the hospital buildings,” to the west of the Lateran. At the tail end of the 13th century, the Colonna established the confraternity to “man the church and hospital complex of St. Peter and Marcellinus as part of their bid to take over the Lateran.” Starting in 1330, this confraternity, the Raccomandati, received various ruined houses as a donation, which they later made hospital and becomes today’s St. John Hospital in Lateran. In 1332, municipal administration regained Colosseum, and the confraternity received the license allowing them to run a public hospital in the following year.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The complex of the Raccomandati is split into two parts. The buildings in the northern complex were mainly gained from the Annibaldi family, which comprised of a cemetery that is now a formal garden, the women ward and the Annibaldi’s tower house that is now attached to it, and a funerary chapel - a small church with the apse turned toward the street. The buildings in the southern complex were comprised of the new and the old Ward that was perpendicularly positioned, blocking an ancient kilns inside that was reused by the confraternity, and the church of S. Andrea and the Holy Angel - the confraternity’s main infirmary, with its portico along the street and a clear emblem over the arch. The infirmary belongs to the Roman hospital type for an “aisleless, single-story hall articulated by diaphragm arches in the interior and buttresses in the exterior.”&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Some of the more significant expansions of this confraternity were during the Black Death and the Jubilee. That is not surprising, for the Black Death tested the reliability of the confraternity’s complex and the pilgrims coming for the Jubilee who entered from Porta Maggiore would soon see the complex and the emblem of this confraternity, right behind St. John in Lateran. The emblem depicts a kneeling figurine bearing candles adore the Christ effigy of the Salvatore Achiropita. When one was sick and poor during the Middle Ages, that is precisely the symbol one would be looking for.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;The Raccomandati was closely related with the Senate, for running the hospital was itself a civic leadership role, a promise of competent administration; self-governing entrepreneurial elites viewed themselves of constructed social and corporate identity. The charitable services enlarged their self-esteem by shaping an image of capable governance. And in 1386, the municipal authority assigned civil and penal jurisdiction over Via Maior (now Via San Giovanni) and officially entrusted the confraternity with the protection and development of this area, which the Raccomandati reshaped around 1395, of the road junctions, and made it an enclosed and easily controllable urban sluice gate.</text>
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                <text>Keyvanian, Carla. Hospitals and Urbanism in Rome, 1200-1500. Edited by Walter S. Melion. Leiden: Brill, 2015. p.289 - 338</text>
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                <text>The Lateran complex is the final stop of the papal procession. The Basilica of St. John Lateran is the cathedral of Rome and mother church of the world, located on land once owned by Constantine who in 311 transferred it to the pope of his day for a church. The Lateran Palace was the main papal residence before the pope’s move to Avignon in 1309. Upon return, the popes decided to move into the residence at the Vatican since it was in better condition and newly renovated.&#13;
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        Once arrived at the Lateran, the pope would perform his ritual possession of the church known as the possessio. The pope would cast coins at the marble seat, the sedes stercoraria, at the Latern’s entrance. He would be led up to this seat where he would sit down. The cardinals would raise him up to fulfill the saying: “He raised the poor from the dust, and lifts the needy from the dunghill to give them a place with princes and to assign them a seat of honor” (1 Kings 2:8, cf. Psalm 112:7-8). The pope would then remove denarii from his garb and throw them into the crowd while reciting Acts 3:6 “I have neither gold nor silver but what I have I give to you”.&#13;
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        This ceremony is similar to those conducted by Byzantine emperors upon their accession, illustrating Byzantine influences in Rome during this time. One interpretation of the possessio is that the coins thrown by the pope are his gift to those who had elected him and is an offering made by the possessor of the church, the pope, to its owner, the people.&#13;
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        Popes were crowned at the Lateran until 1870 when Rome became the secular capital of Italy.</text>
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                <text>Ingoglia, Robert T. "’I Have Neither Silver nor Gold’: An Explanation of a Medieval Papal Ritual." &lt;em&gt;The Catholic Historical Review&lt;/em&gt; 85, no. 4 (1999): 531-40. http://www.jstor.org.ezproxy.carleton.edu/stable/25025585. Macadam, Alta, and A. B. Barber. Blue Guide to Rome. 11th ed. London: Somerset Books, 2016.</text>
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                <text>1377</text>
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                <text>Piazza di S. Giovanni in Laterano, 4, 00184 Roma RM</text>
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